ABHINAV BHARAT CLAIMS TO BE IB INFORMER, WANTS TO CONTEST ELECTIONS

by Mamta Sen

URL: http://www.covertmagazine.com/special-report3.html

MUMBAI: The year 2014 could well mark a new beginning for Abhinav Bharat, the right-wing Hindu group, which, its functionaries claim, has been helping the Intelligence Bureau with information on “infiltrators” and “agents”. They also claim that they are shocked that Abhinav Bharat has been branded a terror group by the Government after it was linked with the 11 accused — including Sadhvi Pragya Singh and Lt. Col. Purohit — apprehended in the Malegaon blasts case.

While the accused continue to be tried by the Nasik High Court for the role they played in the blasts, the organisation is silently trying to spread its wings across Maharashtra, as well as in Madhya Pradesh and Delhi. It even plans to contest the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Abhinav Bharat spokesperson Milind Joshirao told Covert that the effort now was to “get the organisation back on its feet” and that the candidates would be selected on the basis of a written test and an intensive training programme. “In our induction programmes strict discipline would be followed,” he added.

A top functionary associated with Abhinav Bharat insisted, “We have never given anyone any training in firearms or any such thing. It was because of us, and especially Purohit, that many ISI agents were arrested. We have no idea why he has been framed.”
Joshirao said that the organisation was in the process of getting from the High Court the trust deed papers that have been confiscated. “We have begun our activities from Pune and will soon be spreading across the country. We already have branches in Madhya Pradesh and Delhi, and we want to invite persons with similar thoughts to join us irrespective of caste and creed,” he said. Age is no bar for an Abhinav Bharat membership, and anyone between nine and ninety will be allowed entry.

Abhay Vartak, spokesperson of Sanathan Sansthan — a Hindutva group which too was recently accused of promoting terrorism in Goa — said that his organisation would witness from a distance Abhinav Bharat’s efforts to restructure itself as a political outfit and would not join hands with it. “We are an educational organisation. Our name has been unnecessarily dragged into the controversy. Our main agenda is the promotion of meditation and religious activities and not political propaganda,” he asserted.

THE BHARATIYA Janata Party is, however, sceptical. “They have to define their goals, and secondly, define their method of work. Unnecessary secrecy never helps to build a social and political organisation. Abhinav Bharat as a concept and as a group was created by freedom fighter Veer Savarkar and was aimed against the British. When these people start talking of Abhinav Bharat they must define their goal precisely,” said BJP leader Madhav Bhandari. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad too was not supportive of the Abhinav Bharat’s political ambitions. VHP’s Maharashtra spokesperson Venkatesh Apdeo said, “It is up to them whether they want to get into politics or not. Who are we to advise them? Their role should be properly explained. The VHP is the foremost organisation for the protection of the Hindu vote. Besides, they are yet to prove that they are not a terrorist group”

SHOPPING AT SAKS

By Mamta Sen
Url: http://www.covertmagazine.com/cover-story2.html

Mumbai: They shop in London and Paris. They wear international designer watches, use only the best perfumes and watches, and dine out every night. They spend lavishly on looking beautiful and spend time in five-star gyms and beauty salons. They are international citizens and travel to exotic islands for holidays and weddings. They love luxury cars, the more expensive the better, and own properties across the globe. They walk only on treadmills, and fly only first class. They are India’s rapidly growing billionaires who work hard and party harder.Chhaya Momaya is one such very successful and rich woman from Mumbai. One hesitates to call her a billionaire as she makes it clear she does not like such tags. But she comes from a rich family from Burma, her father owned a fleet of ships, and is married into a Mumbai-based rich and successful family. Chhaya describes herself as a “life coach, grooming and image consultant”. She works on grooming and etiquette with corporates — she was in Delhi as a guest of FICCI — models, actors, airline crews, beauty pageant contestants and pop stars. And has been doing so for the last 20 years. Her list of clients are many, including names such as Ulysse Nardin watches, Christian Dior, La Prairie skincare, Hummer Parfum, Agent Provocateur Parfum, Hugo Boss, YSL Perfume. The list is long and very “rich”.Chhaya is one of the few exceptionally successful women willing to be interviewed about her lifestyle. She is all over the rich and beautiful scene, with magazines commenting on her designer dresses, and carrying interviews quoting her on etiquette and grooming. Chhaya Momaya talked to Covert. Excerpts from the interview:Q: How do you begin your day, what is the first thing you do?A: The first thing I do when I get up is pray…Q: What is your routine on an average day? A: My daily routine begins with a prayer. I get up before sunrise and do my exercises. I love to devote time to my family and the next few hours are devoted to taking care of their daily needs like breakfast, as I believe food is the most important source of energy. After my family I then move on to check my appointments with my office. Since I deal in a variety of things, from launching high-end luxury products in India to being an image consultant for celebrities, I generally have to be well aware of my schedule. I also handle individual brands and was recently involved in the launch of high-profile stores. Due to the high-profile clients my timings are usually flexible and I can work according to my own rules. At times, I may be working till 2 a.m., whereas at other times I might not have anything to do.Q: Where do you shop? A: New York and Paris are my favourites.Q: Who are your favourite designers? A: I like shopping at Madison Avenue and Saks. In fact, I generally prefer staying close to Madison Avenue in New York. In Paris, there is this French Village with genuine Parisian trends. I generally prefer my evening gowns from Dolce Gabbana. I also love Moschino, Armani. In Indian wear I wear only Rohit Bal. There is no benchmark as to whether I purchase my designer stuff based only on exorbitant prices or otherwise. I only go by the need of the hour.Q: Do you like entertaining, attending parties? How often? A: I do not prefer attending parties except of a select few, but I love entertaining. Personally, I prefer a select group to a big crowd. But of course once a year I throw a party where I invite everyone; but usually, at my lunch and dinner parties, I invite just a select few. Women often need to get away from their busy lives and find some time for themselves.Q: Do you like dining out, what are your favourite haunts?A: I love eating out, especially French, Japanese and Mediterranean cuisine. In Mumbai, I prefer the Taj Hotel since they have the kind of cuisine I am fond of. Generally, whenever I travel, I prefer to book my restaurants in Paris and New York. I believe in trying out different cuisines and follow the rule that any food tastes better when you have had it 17 times.Q: Do you feel education is important? A: Definitely. Education is an important aspect of life. The education I prefer is usually self-taught and that with hands-on experience. Travelling is another different kind of education and I believe everyone needs to invest in travelling since that opens up various different avenues of life [¼]RICH TO RICHER IN MUMBAIIN MUMBAI A cup of tea at a five-star hotel costs Rs 350 plus taxes. A facial package at a salon used by celebrities starts at Rs 40,000 and can exceed Rs 1 lakh.A haircut at Parwane, a favourite with the city’s rich and beautiful, costs Rs 10,000 plus.The health club package at a five-star hotel begins at Rs 50,000 plus taxes. But a top of the class private gym, which has a long waiting list, costs Rs 1.25 lakh per year and offers facilities around the globe.A Hugo Boss fragrance begins from Rs 3,000. Limited editions come for Rs 5,000 plus. A Tom Ford limited edition is Rs 25,000. A Canali Black Diamond fragrance, a growing favourite, costs Rs 5 lakhs.Branded skincare products that the billionaires use begin at Rs 30,000 for a small bottle; a La Prairie bottle costs Rs 60,000. An Indian designer outfit begins from Rs 50,000.A clutch bag by Valentino, or Gucci, or Chanel begins from Rs 1 lakh plus.Coloured diamonds — pink, blue and green — that are becoming very popular cost a minimum of Rs 10 lakhs each.A first class air ticket to Paris costs Rs 5 lakhs.

GHOSTS OF MAHARASHTRA

by Mamta Sen

Delimitation, in which close to 90 of Maharashtra's 288 Assembly seats have disappeared into other constituencies, has given a new shape to the 13 October elections. Of these, 11 seats are thought to be crucial in their potential to determine which alliance will form the next Government and which party will have the upper hand in that alliance. So all the four major parties, the NCP, the Congress, the Shiv Sena and the BJP have fought acrimonious battles against their poll partners to get their candidates contest these "winning" seats. Some of these constituencies have also seen inner-party squabbles, dissidence and desertions, threatening to mar the prospects of the official candidates.

Apart from this are at least four more constituencies that have seen Congress and NCP fighting each other like bitter foes, delaying the announcement of their seat-sharing arrangements and the announcement of their respective lists.
In an election shaken by innumerable imponderables, the bitter tension between allies is likely to be a bigger problem than the conventional enmity between foes.

"MISSING" CONSTITUENCIES THAT HAVE SPELT TROUBLE FOR NCP AND CONGRESS
NEHRUNAGAR: Maharashtra Labour Minister and NCP leader Nawab Malik's traditional seat has merged with Kalina, which is Congress leader Kripashankar Singh's turf. Singh won the fight against Malik and will contest from Kalina.

KURLA: Minister of State for Home and Congress leader Naseem Khan's constituency is now a reserved SC seat. Since Congress grabbed Kalina, in return NCP ensured Kurla West was given to its Ravindra Pawar. This is a good seat for both parties because it has a majority of Muslim and Dalit voters. Naseem Khan has been accommodated elsewhere.

ROHA: Power Minister and NCP leader Sunil Tatkare was displaced from this seat in Raigad after it merged with Srivardhan. The Congress-NCP dispute over Srivardhan stemmed from the fact that it is considered to be a stronghold of Congress leader A.R. Antulay. Tatkare has finally managed to wrest this seat from the Congress.

MALSHIRAS: Former Deputy Chief Minister and NCP leader Vijay Singh Mohite Patil's constituency has vanished courtesy delimitation. Mohite Patil will now contest from Pandharpur, but this became possible only after Sharad Pawar himself pacified sitting MLA Baban Shinde who threatened to contest the elections as an Independent. Shinde was shifted to Madha. That has not stopped NCP workers from openly protesting Mohite Patil's nomination.

TASGAON: Former Deputy Chief Minister and NCP leader R.R. Patil's traditional constituency has disappeared from the electoral map. The NCP has decided that he will contest from neighbouring Kavathe Mahankal, although the Congress was not particularly keen to surrender this seat.

GADHINGLAJ: Speaker and NCP leader Babasaheb Kupekar's seat has vanished and merged with neighbouring Chandgad. The Congress put up a tough fight for this seat, so much so that the NCP thought of shifting Kupekar to Kolhapur. The seat has finally gone to Kupekar.

MAZGAON: This constituency held by the Shiv Sena has now merged with another constituency, Byculla. Both the Congress and the NCP were claiming this seat. Byculla has finally gone to Madhu Chavan of Congress.

UMERKHADI [MUMBAI]: This Muslim-dominated seat has merged with Khetwadi and Nagpada to form the constituency Mumbadevi. Both NCP and Congress leaders view this as a winning seat. The NCP put a lot of pressure on the Congress on behalf of its candidate Bashir Patel, but the seat went to Amin Patel of Congress. Bashir Patel has left the NCP to contest on behalf of the Samajwadi Party, which is a part of the Third Front in Maharashtra.

"MISSING" CONSTITUENCIES THAT HAVE SPELT TROUBLE FOR SENA AND BJP
DADAR: A Shiv Sena stronghold, this constituency has ceased to exist post its merger with Mahim. Sitting Shiv Sena MLA from Dadar, Sada Sarvankar wanted a ticket from Mahim, which he was denied. So his supporters vented their ire by attacking Sena leader Manohar Joshi's house. The Mahim seat has gone to Marathi TV star Aadesh Bandekar. Sarvankar has left the Shiv Sena and joined the Congress in the presence of Narayan Rane. He is now Congress' candidate from Mahim. This has left Congress' Ajit Sawant, who had been promised the seat, fuming. Last heard, Manohar Joshi's son invited Ajit to his home to console him.

KHED: Shiv Sena leader Ramdas Kadam's constituency has merged with Guhagar and Kadam has been given a ticket from Guhagar. This has led to a near spilt within the Sena-BJP ranks as Guhagar has been an RSS-BJP bastion since 1972.

OPERA HOUSE: This seat has disappeared into three constituencies. A chunk of Opera House has gone to Malabar Hill. A fight had started for Malabar Hill between BJP's Shaina N.C. and sitting BJP MLA Mangalprabhat Lodha, which the latter won.

THE CONGRESS and the NCP might have agreed to share seats, but both sides admit that differences continue in even those constituencies that remain unaffected by delimitation. The fight continued till the end, with some candidates eventually contesting as rebels when they were not given the seats of their choice. The Congress claimed Bandra West for its candidate Baba Siddiqui, but not after the NCP gave it a tough fight. The NCP tried its best to search for an acceptable Muslim face for the seat.

Both Anushaktinagar and Mankhurd have sizeable Dalit and Muslim voters and are strong seats for both parties and negotiations for these went on for a long time. Labour Minister Nawab Malik, who was ousted by Congress' Kripashankar Singh from Kalina, has been accommodated in Anushaktinagar. Mankhurd has gone to sitting MLA Sayyad Ahmed of Congress.
The newly created constituency of Dindoshi, over which a fight broke out between the NCP and the Congress, has been won by the Congress. The party has given a ticket to first-timer Rajhans Singh, Leader of the Opposition in the BMC. This has angered NCP corporator Ajit Raorane who has been nurturing the area for the last eight years and who was promised an NCP ticket in these elections. Raorane burnt effigies of Sonia Gandhi and Vilasrao Deshmukh to voice his protest and said he would contest as an Independent.
ALL MINORITY dominated reserved seats are swing seats in Maharashtra. This time round the MNS and Third Front will play a major role, especially in constituencies like Thane and Nashik where the Congress is expected to lose votes to the MNS. The Congress needs to win seats in Pune, Nashik and Thane to further its hope of coming back to power. In Vidarbha, the Mayawati factor is of some concern to both the NCP and Congress.

A major fight has broken out between the Shiv Sena and the BJP over the Guhagar Assembly seat. This was allotted to Shiv Sena's Ramdas Kadam who was left without a seat as his Khed constituency in Konkan was wiped out because of delimitation. Khed was a major loss for Kadam who has held the seat since 1990, winning every successive election. He is also regarded by the Shiv Sena as the only strong candidate capable of taking on former Sainik and rebel Narayan Rane on his home turf in Konkan. Kadam lobbied aggressively for Guhagar and Uddhav Thackeray managed to convince the BJP top brass to part with the seat. The decision, however, has led to a revolt in the BJP-RSS that wanted their three-term MLA Vinay Natu to contest from Guhagar.

Vinay Natu vowed that he would not work for Kadam and has now formed his outfit Shridhar Sena. Speaking to Covert from Guhagar he said that he would contest the elections as an Independent. "The Guhagar constituency has been with the Jan Sangh since 1972, then the Janata Party, followed by the BJP and later the BJP-Sena alliance. It has been a stronghold of the RSS for years and I am appalled that none of the party seniors informed me of this decision. They didn't even suggest that I contest from some other seat," he complained. He pointed out that his supporters had suggested that he start his own organisation and name it after his father. He insisted that the BJP and the RSS would be campaigning for him and not Kadam. As for joining the Congress-NCP alliance, he said that he had no plans for this at the moment. "I do not have any enemies now, only friends. Now that I am no longer with the BJP even the Congress and the NCP have promised me their support and I am sure to win this seat on my own strength," he said.

BJP leaders spoke openly of differences with the Shiv Sena. However, BJP leader Gopinath Munde asserted that the alliance would work as one, irrespective of some differences. "It is election time and we have to concentrate on what is at hand than focus on petty issues," he said. BJP state president Nitin Gadkari agreed. "The alliance will continue as one. We can't do much about the rebels, but this happens in every election," he said.

NCP LEADERS like Vijaysingh Mohite Patil, Ramraje Nimbalkar, Babasaheb Kupekar and R.R. Patil who lost their constituencies in the delimitation, have angered their close colleagues in their hunt for alternative seats. Mohite Patil and Ramraje Nimbalkar saw their respective constituencies reserved for Scheduled Caste [SC] candidates. Mohite Patil scored by putting a close aide as the candidate for the reserved seat, but now faces dissidence in Pandharpur.

The NCP is taking such rebellion seriously as it cost them two prestigious seats in western Maharashtra in the Lok Sabha elections. Former NCP loyalists Raju Shetty and Sadashiv Mandalik were denied tickets, contested as Independents and were elected from Kolhapur and Hatkanangale respectively in western Maharashtra. Shetty started his own party, the Swabhimaani Party and is now a part of the Third Front.

Former Deputy Chief Minister R.R. Patil lost his position after the Mumbai terror attacks, and his traditional constituency Tasgaon because of delimitation. Tasgaon has merged with Kavathe Mahankal. Patil, or Aba, as he is fondly called in party circles, has been representing Tasgaon since 1990. For a while, a race was on for Kavathe Mahankal between NCP's two Patils - Aba and Jayant Patil, the present Home Minister. Jayant Patil's constituency Walwa has been restructured and named Islampur. The NCP was planning to drop him and give the seat to a new face from the Muslim community. Jayant Patil finally managed to get nominated from Islampur and R.R. Patil got Kavathe Mahankal.

NIZAMUDDIN RAYEN, Mumbai Regional Congress Committee spokesperson said that 35 of the 60 constituencies in the Mumbai-Thane-Konkan belt are dominated by North Indians, both Hindus and Muslims. "Delimitation has changed a lot and for the Congress to come back to power it should think of considering allotting a minimum of 12 seats to minority candidates, at least in Mumbai," he said. The Congress has given five seats to Muslim candidates.

Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray chose the day of Eid in Mumbai to announce his first list of candidates for the Assembly polls. The MNS is contesting 147 seats and claims it will win at least 20. "I am not in competition with the Shiv Sena. This is rubbish," said Raj Thackeray and added that he was not perturbed by the rebels within MNS. "Where will the rebels go? What will they rebel about? I don't give tickets just by listening to my so-called friends. In fact I do not have any friends in the party. They are all my colleagues," he said.

All political parties are faced with rebellion in the ranks. The NCP and Congress leaders were shuttling between Mumbai and New Delhi till very late, as they were not even certain about an acceptable seat-sharing pact. The BJP and the Shiv Sena announced the list of candidates at the beginning of Navaratri and are facing full-blown revolts. The Third Front - a conglomeration of 18 national, state and regional political parties - was reluctant to release its list of candidates for fear of dissent and discord within. However, discord was out in the open even before the list was released and Rajendra Gavai belonging to one of the RPI factions left the Third Front over Ram Vilas Paswan's inclusion in the Front. The Congress has allotted three seats to Gavai's party.

THE NCP and Congress have found it extremely difficult to contest these elections together, with both suspicious of the other's intent. Congress leaders point out that the party decided to go along with the NCP largely because of the emergence of the Third Front. A top party functionary told Covert, "The alliance with the NCP is only to beat the Third Front candidates in rural Maharashtra. Neither party wants to take any chances at this stage."

The Congress leaders in charge of Maharashtra, Vyalar Ravi, Margaret Alva and A.K. Antony are barely able to communicate with the local unit and as leaders in Maharashtra pointed out, "They can barely speak in Hindi or understand us when we speak." Former Congressman Govindrao Adik, who defected to the NCP, pointed out that the Congress leaders in Maharashtra preferred taking their orders from Delhi and were unable to take any decisions on their own. He pointed to the prolonged seat-sharing talks with the NCP, saying that this gave the Opposition a head start in the State. "Unlike Sharad Pawar, who gives his State leaders complete freedom to make decisions, the Congress leaders have to run to Delhi for every single thing. This happened in the past and continues even today. There is not a single Congress leader in Maharashtra who can stand up and take a concrete decision on his own," Adik said.

Adik, presently a Rajya Sabha member, firmly believed that the Congress was striving hard to finish the NCP. "First they spread the news of the merger and then the prolonged meetings on the candidates' list. They should know by now that the NCP is a separate party. We already have a presence in 14 States and have representatives at all levels," he said, brushing aside rumours that the Third Front was the brainchild of Sharad Pawar and is intended to damage Congress prospects in the State. "Pawar himself was a part of the Third Front earlier during the Lok Sabha elections because he wanted to keep the secular forces together and had made this quite clear to the Congress high command," Adik said. He further pointed out that the NCP would have joined the Third Front, but this would have damaged its credibility at this stage.

The NCP has played mind games with the Congress, bargaining shrewdly for seats. For instance, the NCP decided to claim Nehrunagar, which has now merged into Kalina, for its MLA Nawab Malik, even though MRCC president Kripashankar Singh had made it clear that he wanted to contest the elections from there. Singh was so furious that he walked out of the negotiations with the NCP. The latter agreed to surrender the seat, but only for three others in its stead. It is fielding Muslim candidates from these seats.

The NCP has also started attacking the Muslim candidates being fielded by the Congress. This will be part of a larger strategy, but to begin with, the party issued statements in leading Marathi newspapers, openly opposing the Congress decision to field MLA Baba Siddiqui who, the NCP claimed, had mafia links. The statement, its leaders claim, was issued only after sensing the general discontent in the Bandra West Assembly constituency that Siddiqui is contesting.

THE THIRD Front, comprising largely of Dalit and Muslim political parties, is fast taking a concrete shape. Their main issues relate to political empowerment of Dalits and Muslims, as well as their security. The alliance also plans to raise the issue of arrest of Muslim youth by the Anti Terrorism Squad in Maharashtra, lack of justice and other such concerns during the campaign.

The Front has come out in support of the candidature of Kalavati Bandurkar, a widow from Vidarbha who was made famous by Rahul Gandhi in a speech in Parliament. Kalavati is supported by the Vidarbha Jan Andolan Samiti and is contesting from Wani in Yavatmal in spite of poor health and severe criticism from her family members and villagers who did not want her to contest out of gratitude to Rahul Gandhi.

Jayant Patil, president of Peasants and Workers Party, believes that this is not the first time that the Third Front has managed to make news. "Back in 1995 there was an alliance between the RPI, Janata Dal, PWP and the Communists and around 27 MLAs were elected. Then in 1999 we went in alliance with the NCP to bring them to power. We believe that we shall play a vital role again," he said. Ram Vilas Paswan who has just joined the alliance demanded six seats but has been given four Assembly segments: Buldana, Bhandup [West], Worli and Jalgaon.

RPI leader Ramdas Athavale who is heading the Third Front, said that they would be contesting all 288 seats and that the alliance would play a major role in electing the next Chief Minister of Maharashtra. "We plan to win at least 50 seats and swing 10%-12% of the Congress votes in our favour," he said, pointing out that this was not the first time that the RPI would be shaping the politics of Maharashtra. "In 1967, Labour Union leader Datta Samant and Vasudeorao Deshmukh, a Brahmin, had won their elections on RPI tickets," he said. "It is a myth that all Brahmins have gone to Mayawati," he added.

MLC Kapil Patil, who is the president of Lok Bharti, a Third Front ally, was of the view that the third alternative would be a formidable force in the State elections. "We have built a space to prove to the voters that a third alternative is there and is permanent in its objective," he said. His party will contest ten seats in western Maharashtra and three in Mumbai. The party has nominated cricketer Vinod Kambli, a Dalit, from Vikhroli to prove that it is serious. Patil said that the Front would cause major upsets by defeating the main parties in Thane, Ulhasnagar, Vasai, Ratnagiri, the tribal belt of Vidarbha, Nagpur, Nashik, Malegaon, Dhule, Mira Bhayander and Bhiwandi.

Meanwhile, Prakash Ambedkar's Bharip Bahujan Mahasangh has floated a Fourth Front and announced 126 candidates. The Front has around 12 political groups including the UDLF of Assam.
Kishore Tiwari of the Vidarbha Jan Andolan Samiti though was certain that the Congress would return to power. He said that the hostile Opposition would ensure this. "BJP's Gopinath Munde raises his voice only during elections. The Congress has a mass base of Dalits and Muslims who will support the party," he said.
Mohan Prakash, AICC observer for Maharashtra, agreed: "The Third Front is of no importance. They will eventually join the Congress. These are all pressure tactics" [¼]

HOME IS WHERE THE HEARTLESS ARE...

SPECIAL REPORT Mamta Sen

In the tales of Rubina Ali and Azharuddin Ismail, Slumdog Millionaire’s child stars who turned “refugees” at the blink of an eye, lies hidden the story of Mumbai’s Muslim community. It is the story of their plight when it comes to housing and Government promises.In March this year, after the film won several Oscars, Mumbai Regional Congress Committee president Kripashankar Singh announced that Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority Mumbai would allot Rubina and Azharuddin two Low Income Group flats at Malad. Singh announced that Chief Minister Ashok Chavan had already approved of the proposal. He was contradicted by Chavan himself, who stated that the approval was on hold. Singh then inducted the two children into the Congress’ election campaign. That they were not paid a penny for their services is, of course, another story. Meanwhile, the Maharashtra Government’s demolition squad razed their illegal shanties to the ground, rendering them homeless.It was only after the national and international media took note, and director Danny Boyle flew down to Mumbai and “gifted” the children a flat each through the trust Jai Ho — formed to take care of the children’s interests — that the Mumbai Congress got into action. Chavan finally gave his approval, and Singh prepared the allotment letters and got them delivered with a cheque of Rs 4 lakhs [from the MRCC fund] each.Nirja Mattoo, a trustee with Jai Ho, says that it was because of the keen interest taken by Boyle that the children are finally getting their own homes. “We did not want to politicise the issue, which was why we kept the matter low key,” she says, adding that the flats they are planning to acquire are 250 square feet each, while the Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority [MHADA] has allotted the children 180 sq ft each.Nizamuddin Rayen, spokesperson for Mumbai Regional Congress Committee [MRCC], who along with Kripashankar Singh claims to have pushed the case, says that the process got delayed because of the election code of conduct. “Allotting flats is the State Government’s area of work. At the most, the MRCC can push a case. But we were the first to ask for houses for the children. And though the flats have been allotted from the CM’s quota, the MRCC has agreed to bear the furnishing expenses,” he boasts. MANY OF MUMBAI’S MUSLIMS, meanwhile, are feeling that their community is being taken for granted by the Maharashtra Government. They are finding it difficult to justify the razing of the children’s plastic huts, without giving them any form of accommodation beforehand, especially when specific promises had been made to them. Farid Shaikh of Mumbai Aman Committee says that Rubina and Azharuddin have been exploited by the Congress, just like all other Mumbai Muslims over the last many years. He believes that Priya Dutt, the local MP in whose constituency Rubina’s slum was located, should have had the courtesy to consider her case on humanitarian grounds. “It was Priya Dutt’s job to see that a house was allotted to Rubina as soon as she won the elections,” he says. According to Shaikh, nearly 50-60% of the city’s Muslims live in slums. Political parties use them for political gains and then do nothing for them. “Subsidised housing for Mumbai’s Muslims, like other facilities, is only on paper. The reality is different. With Rubina this issue has come to the forefront,” he asserts.As for Priya Dutt, the newly re-elected MP from North-Central Mumbai, she ensured that her husband Owen Roncon did the talking on her behalf. Roncon was quite annoyed when asked why his wife did nothing to give a flat to Rubina. “Let me tell you that MP funds are not for buying flats. The funds are meant for the betterment of the area. Rs 2 crores are given to spend on the development of 16 lakh people from the constituency; and not on someone like Rubina who has had her fair share of glory,” he said, accusing the media of blowing the issue out of proportion. “Just because the Congress paid a huge sum of money to buy the copyright of the song Jai Ho, doesn’t necessarily imply that Priya should give a flat to her,” he retorted.Amin Patel, chairman of the Maulana Azad Minority Financial Development Corporation [MAMFDC], a Maharashtra Government body for the uplift of minorities, points out that though he would have helped Rubina in his personal capacity, he did not have the power to do so. “We cannot give subsidised housing, but only loans for self-employment and education. Vilasrao Deshmukh, when he was Chief Minister, had proposed a 5% reservation for minorities in MHADA. I am talking to the State housing secretary, Sitaram Kunte, to see that this reservation is implemented,” he says. Patel, who is from the minuscule Aga Khani community, however, does not agree that it is only the Sunni Muslim community [to which Rubina belongs] that faces problems related to housing and finance, and not the Aga Khanis. The Aga Khanis already have various housing societies constituted for them, where the Sunnis are allegedly denied residence. With important organisations like the MAMFDC and MHADA controlled by the Aga Khanis, Mumbai’s Sunnis feel that they are getting a raw deal.Patel says that the MAMFDC cannot make an exception for Rubina — or Azharuddin — just because she is a star. “Several other children face similar problems,” he says. A top Indian Youth Congress functionary, on condition of anonymity, points out, “Here is this girl from the minority community, who has managed to get noticed internationally, but the State Government ignored her deliberately. The Congress could have used her example to promote further development.” ABDUL JAFFAR ANSARI, president of All India Ulema Foundation told Covert that the children’s plight was partly discussed in a two-day conference held in Uttar Pradesh’s Azamgarh in May. Around 700 clerics attended the meeting. The BJP is quick to assert that the Congress had used the children to woo the Muslim voters. Madhav Bhandari, spokesperson of Maharashtra BJP, says, “Post the elections the Congress Government ignored both the children. It was a classic case of ‘use and throw’; this is how India’s oldest ‘secular’ party treats Muslims”

SPECIAL REPORT | Mamta Sen

MNS SPOILED THE POLLS FOR SENA

URL: http://www.covertmagazine.com/mamta-sen.htm

MUMBAI: “We have created new voters in these elections,” claims the Maharashtra Navanirman Sena. The Maharashtra State unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party is restless. “The Shiv Sena is deliberately playing down the fact that the split within has helped the Congress-NCP combine in the State,” senior BJP leaders point out. The MNS made a huge dent in the Sena vote bank, and almost all of the MNS’ 11 candidates got over one lakh votes each.

However, the Shiv Sena insists, for the record, that it faces no threat from the MNS, and there is no danger that the latter would eat into the Sena’s traditional Marathi stronghold. Sena spokesperson Neelam Gore says that according to an internal assessment, the MNS had done well wherever there was a consolidation of Congress votes. “If the split had been the reason, then we would not have won the Kalyan seat. Why didn’t the MNS make a mark in constituencies like Shirur, Buldana or Hingoli where the Nationalist Congress Party got defeated and the Shiv Sena won?” she asked, brushing aside questions about sharper divisions between the Sena and the MNS in the near future. “Balasaheb was forced to issue a statement in his journal Saamna against any such reunion taking place. There is no question of a truce or a merger. The media has been giving nonsensical space to this so-called merger, which I believe is all humbug,” she adds.

AKHIL CHITRE, executive member of the MNS Vidyarthi Sena — youth wing of the MNS — is of the view that the MNS has not cut into the traditional Sena vote bank. He says, “We have created our own vote bank, which is the new breed of young voters. They are educated and young — between the age groups of 18 and 35 years.” The key constituencies where the MNS has performed exceptionally well are Nashik, Pune, Thane and all of Mumbai’s six constituencies. Nashik and South Mumbai proved to be two key constituencies for the MNS. The party’s South Mumbai candidate Bala Nandgaonkar put up a tough fight against Milind Deora of the Congress. “Nandgaonkar has drawn in a lot of the first-time voters, especially Muslims from South Mumbai, while Shirish Parkar has succeeded in getting the Muslim, Gujarati and Marwari votes in North Mumbai,” Chitre points out. “We were keen to contest from Ratnagiri and Raigad since we were sure to get elected there, but we couldn’t because of a lack of funds,” he adds. He cannot say if the MNS and the Sena will join hands, but does not think they will. He does not agree that the MNS has contributed to the Congress’ victory by dividing Sena votes and insists, “We have created our own niche on the issue of development and ‘sons of the soil’.”

THE BJP believes that it has retained its vote bank, but the Shiv Sena has not been able to do so. “We have always maintained that the Congress is promoting the MNS to cut into our votes. The Congress has been funding them as well. This clearly shows in the results,” says Madhav Bhandari, BJP spokesperson in Maharashtra.Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackeray points out that the Sena may not have won a single seat in Mumbai in the Lok Sabha elections but the situation will change soon. “The Marathi manoos knows who its torchbearer is. Wait and see,” he says

HIS MASTER'S MUSCLE

By Mamta Sen and Noor-ul-Qamrain

URL: www.covert.co.in/mamta.htm

As the election process unfolds, Covert takes an in-depth look at one of the hidden links in the chain — the political muscleman, the tough guy who is used by every politician to do work that cannot be done by regular campaign workers.

Mumbai: With several gold chains around his neck, 37-year-old Pratik Patel makes his entry at the local teashop just off Vakola bridge in Santacruz, hours after the appointed time. “I had to avoid being caught, sorry,” he says, before asking why we are doing a special feature on political musclemen. “This democracy thing and clean governance is all rubbish,” he laughs, recalling how he witnessed booth capturing even when he was a child in the slums of Vakola.
“I was 14 when I got involved in elections, thanks to a local goon who was in touch with the young boys. We were asked to put stamps on a strip of paper and then fold and put them into a tin box which was later sealed with red wax. There were many such boxes. We usually worked at night, for almost an entire week,” he remembers. With the advent of electronic voting machines a lot has changed, but he says they have managed to duplicate these as well. In the years that followed he was given extortion jobs, which eventually became his main source of income. But he has now graduated to being the “bhai”, the head, and is grooming several newcomers in the profession: “Most of the boys who get into campaigning during elections are uneducated, unemployed and of course poor. We choose boys between the ages of 22-28. Politicians and established goons lure them by promising them money and power.” Even young girls in this age group are finding work in this line. “Girls, mostly from places outside Mumbai, who settle down in these slums and work as door-to-door saleswomen, act as a good cover for our boys,” he says.
Municipal, Assembly and Lok Sabha polls are the most lucrative of all their ventures, which also include activities like land grabbing and extortion. “We sell ourselves to the highest bidder and do not align with any particular party,” he says, adding that of all parties, the Congress pays the best. The rates vary from poll to poll. The charges for Assembly elections are between Rs 5-10 crores per constituency, but for the Lok Sabha, even Rs 100 crores is not enough.
Shiny Singh, 32, who is generally hired by one of the most controversial and high profile politicians from Maharashtra’s Konkan region, says that all politicians have their henchmen who rig the polls. Every booth is a rigged affair. “We bring in over 35% of the votes. Do you think the public actually comes out to vote for these politicians who claim to have won by so and so margin?” he laughs. For every 1,300 votes per booth, 800 are apparently bogus, courtesy the musclemen.
The process begins well before the elections, when boys are hired to examine the slums and get an idea of the actual number of residents living on each address via the electoral list. Many voters’ names continue to be on the list even though they have left their present address or died. This is where the musclemen come into the picture. “We get fake railway passes issued on these names, which are then passed on to our men, who on voting day stand in queue and cast their vote.” He nonchalantly mentions that even as he speaks fake passes are being printed and stored. They will be distributed a day before the election. “Local electoral officers and the police too are taken into confidence,” he adds. The distribution of money is a well-planned affair amongst voters prior to D-Day. Every family gets Rs 500 per day via a choudhury, the local middleman who gets to keep his share of the money. “Bogus voting happens during the first two hours after the polling centre opens and late in the evening, during rush hour. The afternoons are generally ignored,” he mentions.
Shiny says that his boss, a minister in the Maharashtra Cabinet and worth crores himself, hires boys at election time by giving them a “salary” of Rs 10,000 per month. “They have to come and sit at the party office for two hours every morning and evening. For every job performed a 60:40 arrangement exists. He has thousands of young boys on his payroll all over the State. They only turn up for rallies and elections.”
Once their interest is served the same politicians, however, ignore them for the next five years.
Daniel Swamy, 23, from Dharavi, who has been hired by the Congress to hang out at sensitive pockets to see that voters comply with his “orders”, says, “Politicians generally rope in boys as young as 12 to campaign for them. They train these boys to be their chamchas but do not guarantee employment or jobs once they win the elections. I once overheard one politician telling another, ‘Agar hum log in jaise logon ko kaam-dhanda dene lage, to hamara kaam kaun karega?’ That is when I realised what these people are like.”

Srinagar: In Jammu & Kashmir, election musclemen are entirely different from the men who run affairs in States like Bihar and Maharashtra. It is not the criminal gangs that operate for such purposes; but it is a strange mix of counter-insurgents, policemen and small-time politicians who become the musclemen when elections arrive. In Srinagar, in the recent Assembly elections, where voter turnout was low compared to other parts of the Valley, this dangerous breed of politicians-cum-gangsters played a vital role in making certain candidates win. About 1,200 former counter-insurgents, abandoned by the Government and security agencies, were used by the political parties and candidates for this purpose. They live without money, often in subhuman conditions, and are more than willing to work for the political parties. Some of them have even contested Srinagar’s municipal elections and become corporators.
Muzaffar Ahmad alias Babloo, for instance, is “indispensable” in Srinagar. In the recent Assembly polls he played an important role in “mobile voting” in Srinagar city. “I was paid for the job and so were my boys. We were given the task of polling votes at different stations in the Amira Kadal Assembly segment in favour of the candidates who won,” Muzaffar said.
In Kashmir, several henchmen of the separatist groups have joined mainstream politicians. Mansoor Ahmad was Junior Engineer with the State Government. In 1990 he was indicted in a scam in Anantnag district along with a number of officers. After the scam Mansoor joined the ranks of the militants and became an active member of the JKLF. In 2002, he joined Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and was handpicked by him as his personal secretary when he was Chief Minister.
A former Sikh militant, Indumeet Singh, is now closely “associated” with the PDP. He was with the JKLF in the early 1990s and was arrested and put in jail for several years. After his release, he started his own business in Srinagar. In the 2002 Assembly elections he was co-opted by the PDP and was prominent amongst those who stood up to the National Conference in the Valley. When Tariq Hameed Karra won from the Batamaloo Assembly segment and became minister in the Mufti Government, he made Indumeet Singh his PA. Indumeet provided a lot of “supporters” to the PDP in Srinagar city, including some released militants.
Syed Asghar Ali was director of Rural Development when Peerzada Syed of the Congress was Minister of Rural Development during the PDP-Congress coalition Government. Syed Asghar was suspended for being allegedly involved in a huge scam in his department. He joined the PDP and was very visible in the Kishtiwar-Doda Assembly segment organising support against Ghulam Nabi Azad. Ali is known as a prominent “land mafia mover” in Jammu city, where he owns a number of hotels. He used his money power in Kishtiwar and Doda and helped the PDP get “supporters” and “vocal voters”. In recognition of his services, the PDP soon selected him as their MLC in the recent 2009 Legislative Council elections

SPECIAL REPORT

FIGHT NIGHT FOR STARVING FARMERS

BY MAMTA SEN

URL: http://www.covert.co.in/mamta.htm

Mumbai: The drought hit farmers of Sholapur and Chinchwad have found a novel way to scramble out of the deep economic gloom affecting their lives. Unlike his counterparts in Vidarbha, Dada Jadkar from Modamin village in Sholapur district did not want to end his life when his crops failed and he was left with no money or food to feed his family. He decided to beat the life out of others by joining the local wrestling group. Little did he know that this “hidden skill” would land him the job of a professional fighter with a sports entertainment company in Mumbai.
Dada is among a fast growing breed of farmers who are now migrating to the towns and cities to enrol themselves in local sporting events in the hope of earning some money. “I was completely frustrated as the crops had failed and there was no help from the State Government. I was running from pillar to post in search of some help, but was totally unsuccessful in getting a job. I even worked as a labourer for some time, but my luck changed when our local school’s PT [physical training] teacher fell sick, and I was asked to take his place for a small amount. The entire village knows that I love desi kushti [Indian wrestling] since I often practised with the boys at home,” Dada told Covert. He happened to meet the two men sent by the entertainment company to find “fighters” at the local panchayat office. They offered him a job and he signed the papers.
“I got Rs 3,000 for my first fight and that was enough to keep me going,” Dada said. At 40, he is the oldest among the fighters and comes to Mumbai every weekend to fight professionally. His family members, he said, were shocked when they got to know that he was getting paid to fight. “My mother thought I am going off to fight a war and would die and never come back,” he laughed, adding that his father was now happy with his “progress” and boasts about him in their village.
For 24-year-old Laxman Bhimrao Ghupe from Bhonsari village, it was his love for karate that made him represent neighbouring clubs in contests. This eventually landed him the job of a professional fighter. “The good thing about mixed martial arts is that it involves a wide variety of fighting techniques, from karate to kickboxing. It is also easy to learn,” Laxman said. He continues to farm in the village but is now able to augment the family’s finances with the money he earns as a freelance contractor with an electrical circuit factory a few kilometres from his village.
Like Dada, Laxman said he needed money and had explored various opportunities. “I started learning karate when in school, but little did I know that the sport would get me the money to feed my family of six. As traditional farmers no one else from my family had ventured into any other profession,” he said.

Prashant Kumar, founder and MD of Full Contact Entertainment and promoter of Full Contact Championships [FCC], which claims to be the country’s first ever mixed martial arts fight network, believes that professional fighting could definitely open up new avenues of employment for Indian farmers. “They are used to long hours of work on fields and physically too they are equipped to handle pressure. In the last two years that the FCC has been formed we have had many of our players from rural India,” he said. Many of them are in the age group of 18 to 28 years. He however refused to divulge how much he paid them: “We pay them per fight along with travelling and accommodation costs.”
Satyajit Raut and Vinod Shinde, talent hunters for FCC, who scout rural India looking for fighters, said that, till date, they have enrolled nearly 100 fighters from the villages. “When we make trips to remote villages we come across many farmers who are desperate for alternative means of employment. The conditions in which they live are terrible and disturbing. We manage to convince many of them to join us,” said Raut.
Shinde said that initially the farmers’ families raise major objections as they are against the idea of earning money through fighting. They do not want to part with their sons. “We explain to them that they will be paid for fighting, and then some of them agree. They still do not understand what their sons do exactly, but are content that for the time being their boys instead of being jobless, are getting some money to help the family,” he said. Shinde added that the word had spread, and they had been approached by farmers from Vidarbha. He claimed that many of the professional fighters were provided with insurance cover.
A success story is that of 22-year-old Babloo Yadav from Pimprigaon who has been training for nearly two years with FCC and has managed to win seven gold medals in a row at various mixed martial arts championships across the country. He has even won gold at the Asian Kickboxing Championship recently. “But to date no one is aware of my capabilities,” he said with a smile.
Prashant Kumar said that his company now wanted to promote the “fight night culture” in Mumbai, and then possibly in other cities as well. “We hope to introduce the concept of professional fighting which is a phenomenon abroad. Every fighter gets paid to participate, and those wanting some entertainment, can enjoy watching real fights instead of the mock ones promoted by WWF,” Kumar said. He is himself a martial arts fan, and the FCC, he said, was another way of promoting a hobby he has been pursuing seriously for the last two years. “I have already approached the sports ministry to look into this seriously, since if pursued well these championships have the chance of becoming much bigger than they are now,” he said [¼]

Special report

Ghai LANDS IN TROUBLE
By Mamta Sen

Bollywood director Subhash Ghai’s film academy Whistling Woods International Private Ltd has caused the Maharashtra Government losses to the tune of Rs 150 crores or more, thanks to the generosity of erstwhile Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh.
The Maharashtra Government had adopted Ghai’s proposal of constructing a plush hi-tech film training institute as a joint venture with Ghai’s banner Mukta Arts. Deshmukh cleared the proposal to allot 20 acres of land in Film City, in suburban Mumbai, at what were throwaway prices. According to well placed sources, Ghai was given the land for a mere Rs 3 crores, when according to Mantralaya officials, the cost of the land was nearly Rs 150 crores then and today exceeds Rs 200 crores in the open market. As part of the deal, the State Government was prepared to hand over the 20 acres of land to Ghai’s company WWI, but had to convert it into a lease agreement following strong objections from several board members from Film City. Under this new agreement, Ghai was required to pay Rs 28 lakhs a year as “rent” for this prime property, with an increase of 10% every ten years.
Covert has been told by sources within Film City and the State Government that Ghai has failed to pay a single paisa to the authorities, as required by the agreement. “They have violated all norms on paper. They are running the academy, which charges exorbitant fees, as though it is their own private affair. We are not even aware of the profits made since they claim they haven’t made any,” one source said.
The original allottee for the land, PDR Videotronics, claims that this land was given to them in 1974, and has filed a petition in the Bombay High Court challenging the agreement between the State Government and Ghai. The Government had reportedly told PDR Videotronics at the time that a third party could not be allowed to run private institutes in Film City. Later, film director A. Patel filed a petition challenging the agreement, maintaining it was illegal, as no public tender had been issued. Patel died a few months ago and there has not been much movement forward on the PIL as a result.
Sanjay Patil, joint managing director of Film City, politely said that since the matter was pending in court he would not like to comment on it. But sources within his office told Covert that both Film City and the Maharashtra Government are working on a new agreement related to revenue sharing. “Mukta Arts has told us that they have been suffering losses since they began the academy. We have now asked for all their balance sheets and hope to get a new agreement in place where the Government can at least have access to some revenue through rent or otherwise. We are also investigating their fee structure,” the sources said.
Local Shiv Sena MLA Gajanan Kirtikar, who has been asking questions in the State Assembly since 2000 about the agreement and the running of Ghai’s institute, insisted that this “is nothing but corruption at the top level”.
Kirtikar said that many things were wrong with the Whistling Woods agreement: the illegal allotment of land, the expensive fee structure, down to the encroachment of seven acres of land from a garden plot reserved for setting up a memorial for the soldiers who died in the Kargil conflict. He said that even the trees planted at the memorial had been razed in violation of environmental laws. “How can the State Government give away 20 acres of land without inviting tenders? As for the fee structure, no one from the State Government was informed, nor were any suggestions taken on board,” he said.
Reports by the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Public Undertaking Committee appointed by the Vidhan Sabha in 2006-07, raised the issue of corruption and recommended stern action against the director of the company at the time Govind Swarup, by sealing off his property and other assets. But the Deshmukh Government ignored both reports. Swarup has since retired and Patel is no more. “Hence the case has been conveniently forgotten,” said Kirtikar, who raised the issue again in the winter session of the Assembly, after Ashok Chavan took over as Chief Minister. He reiterated the demand for an enquiry into the land deal and the financial status of production units operating out of Film City.
In his written reply, Chavan informed the legislator that the Ghai issue was being investigated. He provided a 32-page report of 850 production houses that had not paid their dues, with the total amount running to Rs 5 crores. “Under investigation” is a standard response by the Government to tricky Assembly questions.
“We have now filed an application under the Right to Information Act against Whistling Woods and we hope to get some concrete response by end April,” Kirtikar said. Chief Minister Chavan was the Minister of Culture in the Deshmukh Government and party to the Film City-Whistling Woods deal.
Film City, the hub of the Indian film industry, has played a pivotal role in producing box office hits. One of the landmarks in the history of Indian cinema was Raja Harish Chandra, produced by Dada Saheb Phalke, whom this vast expanse of 513 acres is named after. Apart from Whistling Woods, other well-known names that have been allotted land in Film City are Adlabs [10 acres], Bombay Natural History Society [30 acres] and Amir Park [25 acres]. Incidentally, in addition to WWI, all these tenants are defaulters and have yet to pay their dues to Film City and the Maharashtra Government.
The land occupied now by the film academy earlier belonged to adivasis whose villages, called padas, were razed to the ground to make way for the complex. Several left, but some still remain, refusing to give up what they claim is rightfully theirs. They earn their livelihood from selling firewood and vegetable farming, and point out that since the film academy came up they have been facing major difficulties.
“We are not allowed to farm on the very fields we have owned for generations, and we are not permitted to pick firewood. It has become very difficult to make ends meets,” said Suman Kisan Bhagat, who claims that 40 gunthas of land were forcibly taken away from her without any form of compensation. She has tears in her eyes as she speaks to this correspondent, sitting amidst a small cluster of huts in Devipada, where the Warli adivasis now live.
“We even went to jail for this, 23 women and seven men with our children. We had gone to protest and Ghai sent the police to stop us,” she said. Anusaya Laxman Gavit is in complete agreement. Pointing to a huge gaping hole in the thick concrete wall she said, “Why should we be forced to move out of here? It is because of us adivasis that jungles like these survive.” The pada is spotless and several students from the academy visit the hutments to shoot village scenes.
Parvati Motiram Khandori said that Ghai has been calling her to come in for a “settlement meeting”, but is not keen on meeting her two educated sons. “I am illiterate and have no idea why he wants to meet me,” she said, showing yellowed rent receipts that date as far back as 1959.
Dinesh Yeswant believes it would help if they were all given employment, as with their main source of income gone they had little to do but sit around the entire day, waiting for stray jobs to come their way.
Subhash Ghai was unavailable for comment but the CEO of Whistling Woods, Ravi Gupta, rubbished reports of displacing adivasis. “There are always encroachments in the form of hutments and we were told these huts would soon be relocated under the SRA scheme. There are a few hutments within our campus, but they cannot be called a village,” he said, adding that the matter was in court. “Frankly, there is not much merit in the case. Anybody can file a PIL in this country and just because someone did against us it does not mean that we are in the wrong. There are always certain vested interests working,” he said. Gupta added that the land still belonged to Film City and had not been given to them. “It is still with the Government under the agreement,” he said.
Gupta clarified that under the agreement Mukta Arts holds an 85% stake in the joint venture, whereas the State Government has a 15% share. The company has invested Rs 70 crores since the project began, but not only is turning a profit far away, the company has been suffering major losses ever since the academy has started functioning formally three years ago. “With such a high level of investment, it does take time for any set-up like ours, with high costs and infrastructure, to settle down. We have around 300 students whom we charge Rs 5 lakhs each as admission fees for two years and this also includes the cost of making three films of their own. However, in any Government institute like the Film and Technical Institute of India or even the Indian Institute of Technology, fees are usually less than Rs 50,000 and the Government ends up spending almost Rs 9 lakhs on each student — which is of course the taxpayers’ money,” Gupta said.
The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, now thoroughly bored with its agitation against North Indians, has moved to new pastures and is busy making inroads into the film industry. They have targeted Subhash Ghai’s Whistling Woods, claiming that a scam estimated to be over Rs 200 crores was instrumental in the institute’s creation. Just last month, MNS founded a Film Workers’ Union “to tackle the injustice meted out to film labourers in Film City”. The group claimed that if land could be given to Ghai, it should also be given to the workers.
The twist in the tale is that while Raj Thackeray’s wife Shalini is the general secretary of the workers’ union, Smita Thackeray is one of the members on the national advisory panel of Whistling Woods

I am an aam aadmi..god i hate that word..why? well simply because it sidelines me as an untouchable..into the matrix of political lingos which simply do not end. education is the weapon for progress they say. but sadly education is also the antidote for resurrecting oneself of ones awaremess of poverty. depreciation of the mind is what bringly alive the concept of common man or the aam admi.

CHILDREN OF THE IDIOT BOX
By Mamta Sen
URL: http://www.covert.co.in/mamta.htm

Maharashtra Labour Minister Nawab Malik has created a stir in the entertainment industry by sending notices to all television producers through the labour commissioner about the safety norms for child artistes working on the sets and the long hours they put in. Most television channels declined to comment on the notice, with some claiming that they had not even received it. But measures are being put in place to ensure that the child actors do not disclose information about their work conditions and schedules.
Television channel Colors which is airing at least four serials with children in the lead — Balika Vadhu, Uttaran, Jai Sri Krishna and Chhote Miyan — was not particularly forthcoming on this. Programming head Ashvini Yardi pointed out that these serials try to focus on social issues that have never before been dealt with on Indian television. “Our single biggest priority is to offer programming that will help break through the clutter and this is why you will see us deliver a strong proposition of differentiation and distinctive content,” she said.
The channel has ensured that children acting in its serials do not interact with the media. This has reportedly been incorporated in formal agreements, according to a family friend of Balika Vadhu’s lead character Avika Gor who plays the role of Anandi.
Eleven-year-old Avika is today the most sought after face on Indian television. She has won an award for Best Female Child Artiste, as well as for Best Female Newcomer, Best Female Artiste, and Best Fresh Face, outdoing senior actresses. Rumours are, Avika, who is earning lakhs of rupees, has stopped going to school. Numerous calls to her father Sameer by this correspondent went unanswered. Avika has also started modelling and recently walked the ramp for an imitation jewellery designer at a five-star hotel. She is also making her debut in a movie Paathshala with actor Shahid Kapoor. It also stars her “rival”, ten-year-old Swini Khara.
Swini had made audiences sit up with her crisp performance in Balki’s Cheeni Kum starring Amitabh Bachchan, where she played the role a terminally ill patient. She began her career as a three-year-old modelling for Ajanta toothpaste and hit the big screen with Kalpana Lajmi’s Chingari and Hari Puttar. Her forthcoming films include Paathshala [with Avika] and Kaalo, as well as a voice over in Nikhil Advani’s Ab Delhi Door Nahin. Swini, who was nominated for Best Child Artiste [female] along with Avika for her role in Baa Bahoo aur Baby on Star Plus, confesses that though she does get tired, it is the sheer enjoyment of acting that keeps her going. Her mother Shilpa though believes work schedules often differ with each production house. “Swini generally does shooting after school, but we prefer commercials to films or serials since they wrap up pretty fast. We often tend to bunk school for commercials since they usually take up an entire day,” the mother said, adding that children too should be compensated since school is kind of “work” for them. “Juggling school and shootings together often takes a toll, but Swini carries her school books to the film sets and studies between shots,” said Shilpa, refusing to answer how much her daughter is paid for her long hours of work. She admitted, however, that the competition was getting extremely stiff.
Casting director Mona Irani, who has been working with child actors for the last 16 years, said, “Earlier there used to be a mere ten kids auditioning for one role. Now around 150-200 kids land up, out of which only one will probably be selected.” She said that this increase in numbers has become noticeable over the past five years. “There is a lot of talent, it is just a question of getting the right break,” she said. Mona was of the view that more than producers, parents need to be pulled up by the Government for pushing their children to the brink.
“Parents themselves give permission for their kids to shoot for 14 hours at a stretch. The notice should have been sent to them instead. Most parents want their kids to be mini-stars. Once the child gets a taste of fame they stop him or her from going to school. Quick money and instant recognition is what drives parents to push their children to such limits. They are trying to live their dreams through the child,” said Mona, adding that the remuneration ranges between Rs 5,000 to Rs 1 lakh a day.
Money, and not safety, is of utmost importance, according to several coordinators in the entertainment industry. A modelling coordinator confided that film sets were often not safe for child actors. “You often have men, specially technicians, landing up drunk on the sets and I have seen kids left alone by parents to fend for themselves, with no separate rooms for them to relax. So yes, they are vulnerable and it is almost as if we are waiting for a disaster to happen,” he said.
Hansika Motwani, a former child artiste who made her debut opposite Himesh Reshammiya in Aap Kaa Surroor: The Real Luv Story last year, is a case in point. “Her mother used to call the shots. The child at eleven years was even made to act as a rape victim in a movie called Jaago based on a real life incident. This movie catapulted her to the status of the highest paid child actor then. Though the girl is only 18 years old today, she looks over 30 and has hardly made an impact as a heroine,” insiders point out.
“The child should be given an opportunity to decide,” according to theatre artiste Debashish Chanda whose two daughters Swarna and Prothoma have been acting in serials since three years old. While Swarna [9] has acted in Neelanjana on 9X, Prothoma [6] is busy doing commercials. “Work only depends on the number of scenes per day and yes, though juggling school and shooting is tiresome, one cannot help it,” Debashish said. He admitted to being disappointed if his children failed the auditions, adding, “Favouritism is rampant here as well; which is why I have registered my kids in the Cine Artiste Association as members to protect them from being taken for a ride.”
Swarna, of course, did not know what the fuss was all about. “Sometimes I do get tired but it’s okay. In school I am the only one who is famous and I love it when everyone notices me,” she said with a big smile [¼]

REALITY BITES FILM STARS
The small screen has always been regarded as the last hope for resurrecting one’s acting career. Amitabh Bachchan gave a shot to his career with Kaun Banega Crorepati?, a lead that several actors followed. TRP ratings for Salman Khan’s Dus Ka Dum, Shah Rukh Khan’s Kya Aap Panchvi Pass Se Tez Hai? and Akshay Kumar’s Fear Factor remained low and dissuaded others from anchoring similar shows. Instead, film personalities decided to play the role of celebrity judges in several song and dance reality shows, rather than actually acting in teleserials as was the case over a decade ago. Indian Idol, Sa Re Ga Ma Pa Challenge, Star Voice of India, Nach Baliye and Jhalak Dhikhhla Jaa are some of the more popular shows where celebrities take on the role of strict judges, often relaxing sufficiently to sing or dance with the contestants.
To spice up their shows, the channels are wooing film personalities who are in great demand. Nach Baliye 4 has Farah Khan, Arjun Rampal and Karisma Kapoor as its judges, while the relatively new dance show, Dancing Queen has Hema Malini and Jeetendra.
Rajesh Kamat, chief executive officer of Colors, says that proper weekend programming along with a good choice of celebrities as anchors is the formula for a successful show. However, as sources pointed out, for many of the film personalities the show becomes an opportunity to project their ongoing films. For instance, Deepika Padukone has paired up with MTV Roadies with the return benefit of publicising her new movie Chandni Chowk to China. “I too have been an avid watcher of the show and I think it is a complete blast,” she said when asked about this.
Makarand Wadekar, principal consultant for I Search which tracks TRP points, said that several reality shows were running on advertising revenue and a celebrity was taken on as a judge simply to raise the ratings. “But if the script and idea of a particular show are clear and bold enough to pass on the real message then celebrities are not used for the show,” he said giving the example of Sony TV where the song-based shows enjoy the highest TRP ratings currently.
As for reality channels, two will be launched by CNBC-TV 18 and Turner International on 1 January 2009. The total investment for these over the next three years is expected to be US $39 billion of which $12 billion has already been invested in India. Sports 18 of CNBC will also start operating with an adventure reality show called Volvo Ocean Rally.